Student protests in Belgrade, January 2025 (photo D. Nenadić)

Student protests in Belgrade, January 2025 (photo D. Nenadić)

The absence of EU flags at anti-government demonstrations shows that accession has become a divisive issue in the candidate country. Interview with Srđan Majstorović, president of the board of the European Policy Centre (CEP)

30/01/2025 -  Federico Baccini Brussels

Over two months of massive protests in Serbia have led to the resignation of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević. This is an almost inevitable consequence of the pressure that has become unbearable for the ruling party, which is being held accountable for the deaths of 15 people after the collapse of the roof of the Novi Sad train station.

But why did the collapse of the roof of a train station trigger such a wave of protests? “It is very simple, because widespread corruption kills”, explained Srđan Majstorović, president of the board of the European Policy Centre (CEP) in Belgrade and member of the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BiEPAG), in an interview.

The European Union remains a marginal player in these protests, with no EU flag being waved in Belgrade or other Serbian cities during the anti-corruption demonstrations. Yet Brussels “must not turn a blind eye to what is happening in Serbia”, or its role in the country and the region will be compromised, Majstorović warned.

What are the protesters’ demands?

The students are demanding what all citizens should. First, the publication of the full documentation of the renovation of the Novi Sad train station, access to all documents to ensure that the government is not hiding anything from the public.

Second, the dropping of charges against those who were arrested during the first anti-government protest in November. There was violence against protesters, many of whom were charged for things they did not do.

The third demand is to bring criminal charges against those who attacked students during the protests in Belgrade in front of the Faculty of Arts. This was a highly visible case, in which some people, who later turned out to be members of the ruling party, physically attacked protesters.

The fourth condition is linked to the previous one. The students are demanding that these people be brought to trial and resign from their public office, breaking the vicious circle of a state held hostage by a ruling party that controls all institutions.

Srđan Majstorović

Srđan Majstorović

The fifth condition comes from the student unions, which are demanding an increase in the budget of state universities after years of major cuts.

These demands are not controversial or highly political, and that is why they are so successful. They also have one thing in common: respect for the principle of the rule of law. If the government is willing to meet these conditions, it will for the first time send a signal that it is willing to respect this democratic principle.

What are the main features of this wave of protests?

The collapse of the roof of the Novi Sad station was a tragic event that showed that widespread corruption is leading to the loss of human lives, and it triggered the indignation of young people, who have finally woken up. It is a new generation, which has never been present in Serbian political life in the numbers we see today, and which until a few months ago had shown almost no interest. There is a saying that you may not be interested in politics, but politics will always be interested in you. These young people have learned this in a dramatic way.

This is a crucial moment, marking a change of political generation. The one currently in power is the same one that was present in the 90s during the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, during the horrific wars and during the never-ending economic and social transition in Serbia. These young people do not have that experience behind them and are much more aware of what is happening in Europe, the United States and the world.

Despite having a way out - if they want to leave, they can - they decided to stay and fight to make Serbia a better place for their future. They recognised the importance of a fundamental principle of democracy: that we must all be equal before the law.

What impact are the student protests having on the population?

This young generation has managed to escape the trap of ideologising the issue, making sure to stay away from toxic and divisive political issues. Their demands are precise, but also very simple, which makes it very difficult for this government to meet them.

The government has spent the last 13 years trying to convince citizens that politics is dirty and that, for this reason, they should not care about it. Slowly but surely, we are witnessing something new as a result of the student protests. People feel liberated from the fear of expressing their criticism of the government.

This is a very sensitive issue in a society held hostage by the ruling party, where 99% of the media is completely controlled by the government. In such an environment, self-liberation is extremely important. It is the new consequence of the students' demands, which multiplies the effect of the protest.

Could these protests have a different outcome than those of 2023?

In 2023, the ruling party was held responsible for creating an environment that promotes a political culture based on violence rather than law.

However, today's protests are completely different, because the main social actors promoting them have changed. In 2023, the protesters were mostly from the generation that lived through the Milošević era, while the new student momentum that we see today was missing.

This regime is facing a group of very determined young people, and their panic reaction clearly shows that they do not know how to respond to an explosion of bright ideas and fresh energy.

Whether the students will have the strength to move towards political change will depend on how determined they are to keep up the pressure. As much as they are supported by other social actors and stakeholders in political life, they should remain the main driving force, because their future is at stake.

The older generations must remain at their side only to support them in articulating their demands and proposals, in the way and to the extent that they wish to include them.

In this scenario, what could happen in the future of Serbia?

If we can bring about political change together, Serbia could be a very different place in a few years.

It could return to full respect for the rule of law, a clear division of powers, restore its own jurisprudence, and it could be a reliable partner for Europe. Even join Montenegro and Albania as frontrunners in the EU accession process. We can dream big, even solve the pending issue with Kosovo.

Serbia could become a real leader capable of bringing positive development to the entire region, especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Can all this be achieved even with Vučić still in power?

I think that a change is needed. Aleksandar Vučić has been in power for 13 years and he seems tired. It is time for him to think about his future outside of politics, for the sake of his country and society.

It will not happen tomorrow, or even in a month. A process of negotiation within society and perhaps even support from outside will be needed to get out of this crisis.

It is time to rethink the idea of ​​an international envoy of the European Parliament to broker an agreement between the opposition and the ruling party on future electoral conditions, as called for by civil society organisations after the last elections.

During the student protests in Serbia, January 2025 (photo D. Nenadić)

During the student protests in Serbia, January 2025 (photo D. Nenadić)

However, there are no EU flags visible in Belgrade.

This was another smart decision by the students, who recognised the trap of division. Not everyone is necessarily in favour of the EU or knows for sure what EU membership means for them. These are all consequences of a toxic media presentation of the EU by the ruling party.

More generally, students do not wave any flags with political meaning, except the Serbian one, because they are fighting for the rule of law in their country. They have avoided the toxic environment of politics to focus only on their demands.

What is the sentiment towards the EU in Serbia?

The general opinion towards the EU is influenced by the narrative of the media close to the government. On January 21, we celebrated the 11th anniversary of the start of EU accession negotiations, but in these years Serbia has fallen behind on all international indicators regarding freedom of expression, functioning of democratic institutions, corruption and transparency.

From a consolidated democracy we have become a hybrid regime. For 13 years this government has not improved the image of the EU enlargement process and integration requirements.

Citizens' support for the EU - which is currently below 50% - is the product of an artificial media campaign supported and pushed by the government. No wonder the level of support is not higher.

What should Brussels do to support the protests?

We are not naive, we do not think that the EU can change the Serbian political class, and nobody is asking the EU to be involved in this process.

What we ask - and what would be very useful for the EU itself - is to be honest in calling things by their proper name. When freedom of the media and freedom of expression is under attack, when members of civil society, environmental activists, minority activists or gender activists are attacked, the EU should clearly say that this cannot be tolerated.

By not reacting, by turning a blind eye to what is happening in Serbia and by not making itself heard, the EU is in a way helping the regime to abstain from its responsibilities.

But there can be no progress towards the EU if it does not demonstrate that it is capable of applying the principles of the rule of law, that is the essence of the accession process. How can you apply the EU acquis if you do not respect your own Constitution and legislation?

If it fails to say all this, the EU will continue to lose its credibility as a guarantee of modernisation and Europeanisation of Serbia.