
Belgrade, Autokomanda, january 2025 (foto M. Moratti)
An analysis of the ongoing protests in Serbia, the skill of students in organizing the demonstrations, the differences with the protests of the 1990s and 2000s, and the possible risks of the absence of a long-term plan and strategy
Following the collapse of the railway station canopy, which claimed 15 lives, in Novi Sad, Serbia, university students in Belgrade and across the country, supported by the broader Serbian society, have launched a nationwide movement and have been protesting regularly for the past three months. Allegations of corruption, regarding the renovation of the railway station, undertaken between 2021 and 2024 by a consortium consisting of China Railway International Company Ltd (CRIC) and China Communications Construction Company Ltd (CCCC) , emerged immediately after the tragedy. The protesters are demanding not only answers but accountability which resulted in the resignation of Serbia’s Prime Minister Miloš Vučević, and Novi Sad’s mayor Milan Đurić .
The protests have gained international recognition, receiving coverage in all major mainstream media. Nevertheless, the European Union (EU) has not only refused to support or acknowledge the reality on the ground but has also continued its stabilitocratic foreign policy in the region, further endorsing Aleksandar Vučić’s regime, at a time when the latter has never before faced this scale of resistance .
So far, students in Serbia have demonstrated exceptional maturity and intelligence in logistical organization, sustaining momentum, keeping the society united, and challenging the regime. But, how are they achieving this?
First of all, protest locations are selected based on strategic importance rather than political symbolism alone—or worse, at random. For instance, occupying the Autokomanda junction on January 27 , a key highway in Belgrade that connects the capital to both inner-city roads and the rest of the country, has proven a smart tactic. The disruption of key infrastructure forces more people to pay attention and participate in the protest. The same can be said for the 24-hour occupation of the three bridges over the Danube River in Novi Sad which took place on February 1 and 2, marking three months since the tragedy. These actions demonstrate a clear understanding that effective protest is not just about visibility but about exerting leverage on the system.
Secondly, protesters are keeping the movement decentralized and leaderless. This should be seen as both a strategic and protective measure. In Serbia’s semi-authoritarian regime this is highly important to avoid co-optation and top-down pressures. A movement without a leader makes it difficult for the regime to identify key organizers, therefore to intimidate or corrupt them. In addition, this preserves the movement from potential fragmentation and inner crisis. On the other hand, it encourages broader participation, as it helps bring together diverse members of the society, including those which normally would disagree with certain ideologies or would view hierarchical political organizations with suspicion in a context when most opposition parties are either corrupted or fractured.
Thirdly, the student movement deserves recognition for its democratic internal organization. The students are organizing among themselves through collective plenums where everyone has the right to voice their opinion, but decisions are made through a majority rule, based on the proposals with the strongest arguments. This creates a sense of fairness and legitimacy, ensuring that decisions reflect the collective will rather than the influence of a few dominant voices.
In addition, it is interesting to note that there are not really divisive statements or symbols in the protest. It’s important to recognize that Serbia is a deeply nationalist society with a history shaped by the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia, marked by extreme ethnic and ultranationalist sentiments, which continue to persist today, including among young people and students. However, the few nationalist symbols or flags that have been spotted here and there are not representative of the protest as a whole. These are isolated cases that do not reflect the movement’s principles.
Instead, students are often seen waving the representative flags of their specific faculties, alongside the Serbian flag or other types of flags, such as the Jamaican flag or a Ferrari flag—symbols appropriated from the 1990s and 2000s student protests, when these flags were used to mock the regime’s accusations of being “foreign agents.” A tactic, which Vučić is also employing, aiming to portray the protests as externally orchestrated.
The student movement is keeping the tone strictly neutral and focused on issues like corruption, state-capture, lack of media freedom, rule of law, and democracy. While it is not possible to police every participant individually, the organizers have successfully managed to nevertheless control the rhetoric. Moreover, they are aware that any use of divisive and nationalist symbols would throw the ball back into Vučić’s court, making them play on his field. This would undermine the movement’s credibility, besides further alienating minorities in Serbia (such as ethnic Albanians or Croats), and being viewed regionally as a potential threatening new force.
On another note, the creative aspect of the protests is remarkable, not only because it embodies a youthful spirit but especially because it helps maintain momentum, and elevate hope. 24-hours blockades, or daily, weekly, and monthly protests can prove tiring. It is impossible to keep people united only with political speeches and marches. Therefore, the internal organizing within the protests is a very interesting phenomenon. Students have created different “hot spots” during the occupation of bridges and streets. There are improvised basketball fields; open kitchens where people are seen cooking and eating together; chess games; professional and amateur singing choirs; crews shooting on camera. For example, the students from the Faculty of the Dramatic Arts in Belgrade are also recording the protests—a valuable documentation and resource for preserving the movement’s history which will serve for future reflection and analysis.
Moreover, the use of technology distinguishes the scale of these protests from those of the 1990s and 2000s which brought down Slobodan Milošević, and relied heavily on more conventional methods of communication, such as word-of-mouth, printed materials, or state-controlled media. Despite mainstream media in Serbia currently not covering the protests, the students are effectively utilizing all available social media platforms: Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, X, WhatsApp, Signal, and more. This matters not only because it spreads information faster internally, but also because it reaches an international audience. Thanks to advanced technology and social media, students in Serbia have successfully mobilized solidarity movements across Europe, with solidarity protests taking place in various European capitals and cities .
They have even created a website where information about the protests and other important organizational matters is updated daily. What is striking about the information on the website, is the sense of collective responsibility and solidarity. The students have established rules that include cleaning up after themselves when the protests are over for the day, maintaining peaceful gatherings, and reporting any suspicious behavior or the presence of weapons to those appointed to ensure peace and safety.
However, while all this is impressive, there is one crucial downside: the lack of a long-term strategy and plan that extends beyond the current protests, in case a transitional government is appointed to oversee a process of free and fair elections (if that ever happens) among other possible scenarios that exist. If such a plan is not developed carefully and quickly, it could risk creating a vacuum that might be filled by regressive political forces in the country.
Gresa Hasa is the Co-Founder and Editor-in-Chief of Shota, an Albanian feminist magazine. She is an independent publicist, regularly contributing political commentary in Albanian, regional and often international media, with a focus on Balkan politics, social movements, nationalism, and gender issues. Previously, she was engaged in grassroots political organizing in Albania. She currently resides in Vienna, Austria, where she continues her academic and professional career.