In the past couple of years we have witnessed the rise of new initiatives in the post-Yugoslav space. From the workers uprising, students mobilization to protests for defense of common goods, these initiatives seem to speak to the emergence of a civil society that is critical of neoliberal capitalism and the dominant model of post-socialist transition.

This paper examines one such ongoing initiative, dubbed ’We won’t let Belgrade d(r)own’, against a big construction project on the river banks in Serbia’s capital, analyzing its discourse and some elements of its practice, such as networking, forms of action, knowledge production and funding.

While this mobilization appears as an attempt to move away from the liberal NGO model and to introduce structural and class issues as notions around which political action can be waged, it emerges that at the same time it relies on, and draws from, the liberal civil society practice and dominant transitional discourses.

A contribute to better understand the ‘new wave’ of mobilizations and their emancipatory potential.

Author: Tijana Morača 

Language: English

Di fronte alla crisi dei migranti l'UE ha elaborato soluzioni parziali e tardive oscillando tra emergenza nelle risposte legislative e diritti umani (un po' tutelandoli e un po' delegandone la violazione). Ma sarebbe sbagliato sostenere che non ha fatto nulla. L'UE infatti è strutturata per comporre interessi contraddittori di svariati attori diversi tra loro, per elaborare compromessi e non soluzioni. Ciò detto, nella gestione degli ingressi come dell'integrazione dei migranti la risposta in Europa fino ad oggi è stata emergenziale. La sfida è quella di porsi le domande giuste prima di dare le risposte. Prima tra tutte come fare sì che le nostre società imparino a gestire la diversità come fattore strutturale e non eccezionale.

 

Autore: Francesco Palermo

Lingua: Italiano

Il 31 marzo 2016, Vojislav Šešelj, leader del Partito radicale serbo, accusato di crimini di guerra e contro l’umanità, è stato assolto in primo grado dal Tribunale Penale Internazionale per l’ex Jugoslavia. La sentenza, promulgata ad una settimana di distanza dalla condanna di Radovan Karadžić presso lo stesso Tribunale, ha colto di sorpresa parte dell’opinione pubblica internazionale e nei Balcani, perché contraria alle attese. Infatti, Šešelj era già stato ritenuto colpevole di aver preso parte ad una “impresa criminale congiunta” in precedenti sentenze, dunque l’assoluzione dell’imputato risulta incongruente rispetto alla giurisprudenza del Tribunale stesso. Nel paper, dopo alcuni cenni alla biografia politica di Šešelj, vengono esaminati alcuni passaggi controversi della sentenza. Il lavoro si conclude con una disamina delle possibili ragioni che hanno condotto all’assoluzione, e delle reazioni nello spazio post-jugoslavo.

 

Autore: Christian Costamagna

Lingua: Italiano

The executive summary and policy recommendations here presented are part of the study “The Adriatic-Ionian macroregion: a hurdle process. The start of the Adriatic-Ionian Regional Strategy in the perspective of Italian foreign policy and the European integration of the Western Balkans”, supported by the Unit for analysis and planning of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.

The study comprises the executive summary plus one chapter dedicated to the governance issue of EUSAIR taking sparks from the Baltic macro-region, elaborated by CeSPI, and a second chapter with a case study focused on EUSAIR in the Croatian Media, conducted by OBC.

The analysis was carried out by Almona Tani and Andrea Stocchiero (CeSPI) and Marzia Bona (Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso - OBC), with the scientific supervision of Luisa Chiodi and the contribution of Caterina Ghobert. The project was coordinated by Andrea Stocchiero. (download the paper)

 

Author: OBC and CeSpi

Language: English

The EU has consistently recognised media freedom and pluralism as fundamental pillars of democratic systems, enshrining these principles in EU binding documents. As far as Enlargement countries are concerned, Commissioner Hahn recently stated that media freedom is an “imperative” and that “without freedom of the media, a country can not be part of the EU".

Despite this, both in Member states and in the countries aspiring to join the EU, media independence and the safety of journalists are often under pressure by means of direct and indirect threats.

Taking a closer look at the situation in EU member states, Freedom House warns that Europe registered the world’s second-largest net decline in media freedom since 2004, a deterioration which is second only to Eurasia. Such deterioration can be attributed to the incremental erosion of the legal and economic environments - the product of several trends including the digital evolution as well as negative factors such as the economic crisis and the securitarian turn, that further facilitate the interferences with the ability of journalists to cover the news in person.

(... read more)

 

Author: OBC (The position paper presented at the TransEuropa conference has been complemented with the comments collected in the course of the seminar)

Language: English

A quarter-century after the fall of the Berlin wall, Europe is confronted by the construction of the new walls which are built to stop migrants and refugees. The reaction to the ongoing humanitarian crisis in the Balkans, and the challenge of terrorism, should not lead us to surrender values such as solidarity, equality and freedom of movement.

 

Author: OBC (The position paper presented at the TransEuropa conference has been complemented with the comments collected in the course of the seminar)

Language: Italian

From Turkey's instability to the war in Ukraine. Lessons learnt and the intervention of the European Union

In 1995, the Dayton Peace Agreement stopped the war in Bosnia Herzegovina. In the last 20 years the global order, as well as the European Union and the Western Balkans, underwent significant changes. Adopting a European perspective, this position paper reconsiders the changes intervened and the capacity of the European Union to act in the international sphere, keeping in mind that the multiplication of conflicts in the regions bordering the EU poses critical challenges also at the domestic level, as epitomized by jihadist terrorism.

 

Author: OBC (The position paper presented at the TransEuropa conference has been complemented with the comments collected in the course of the seminar)

Language: Italian

Da oltre vent'anni il Tribunale Penale Internazionale per l'ex Jugoslavia (ICTY) e le Corti locali perseguono i responsabili per i crimini di guerra e contro l'umanità commessi in Bosnia Erzegovina nel periodo 1992-1995. Il ritmo dei processi, tuttavia, è talmente lento che difficilmente le vittime, i familiari e le società sconvolte dalle violenze dei nazionalisti potranno mai ritenersi soddisfatte per il lavoro svolto dalla giustizia tradizionale

 

Autore: Andrea Oskari Rossini

Lingua: italiano

Position Paper for the Consiglio Italiano del Movimento Europeo (CIME) 

 

Author: OBC

Language: Italian

Position Paper for the Consiglio Italiano del Movimento Europeo (CIME) 

 

Author: OBC

Language: Italian

Letter to President of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). 

From 20th February to 5th March, the Italian media and think tank Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso (OBC), conducted an online debate on the ICTY and the reconciliation process in former Yugoslavia. A synthesis of what emerged from tens of comments that were posted by practitioners, scholars as well as ordinary citizens residing in Western Europe and in the Balkans. 

 

Author: OBC

Language: English

The organisation of youth camps financed by the government has emerged as one of the most visible and best publicised elements of present youth policies in Russia. This paper refers in particular to Mašuk 2010, a camp supported by the Russian government and dedicated entirely to young people from territories of the federal district of the northern Caucasus and from territories of the de facto independent republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, internationally recognised as part of Georgia. The research is based on participated observation at the Mašuk camp in the summer of 2010 and on interviews with those responsible for youth policies in Russia and the Caucasus.

The research found that youth policies currently supported by the Russian government take their example explicitly from the Soviet experience. In the Caucasus, youth policy and camps such as Mašuk have the aim of promoting entrepreneurship and the importance of individual success, improving inter-ethnic relations among young people of the region, creating a positive image of the State (frequently identified with corruption, bad government, and repressive measures), strengthening policies of patriotic education in order to reinforce the sense of belonging to the “great motherland” - the Russian Federation - and also to “small motherlands”, like the region of origin and, for the first time, the northern Caucasus in its entirety.

 

Author: Giorgio Comai

Language: Italian

A partire dal 1999 la comunità albanese del Kosovo ha attraversato un processo di radicale trasformazione, affrontando per la prima volta la pluralizzazione della vita pubblica. Il paper esplora queste dinamiche che sono state trascurate, sia a livello locale sia internazionale, a causa della questione dello status politico del Paese che ha monopolizzato la sfera pubblica.

Prestando particolare attenzione alle conseguenze del decennio di segregazione etnica degli anni Novanta, il paper analizza lo sviluppo della società civile, dei media, dei partiti politici così come il fenomeno di rapida urbanizzazione e i cambiamenti nelle relazioni familiari. L'analisi sottolinea quanto la comunità albanese sia ostaggio di aspettative irrealistiche rispetto allo sviluppo politico, economico e sociale che dovrebbe seguire all'ottenimento dell'indipendenza. In questo contesto, il processo di democratizzazione è indebolito dall'appello all'unità di fronte a 'nemici' esterni e in particolare alla minoranza serba e all'amministrazione internazionale.

 

Autori: Luisa Chiodi - Francesco Martino - Francesca Vanoni

Lingua: inglese

Questo paper esplora le trasformazioni delle memorie collettive circale politiche coloniali italiane in Albania durante la prima parte del XX secolo. Lo fa guardando alla relazione tra le memorie collettive e le rappresentazioni reciproche che si sono formate prima e dopo la Guerra fredda. L'analisi intende illustrare come, con la fine dell'imperialismo italiano, le rappresentazioni pubbliche del coinvolgimento italiano in Albania nei due paesi per la gran parte convergano e argomenta perché ciò sia rilevante. La ricerca muove dalla letteratura esistente e da fonti primarie, inclusi libri di testo per le scuole e mass media.

 

Autori: Luisa Chiodi - Rando Devole
Lingua: inglese

From the second half of the 1980s, as the rumblings of the disintegration of Tito's Yugoslavia could be heard, the media took on an increasingly influential role in preparing the terrain for the imminent war. In this respect, the Serbian media reflect the evolution and escalation of events in those years and even more so does the oldest Balkan newspaper, the daily Politika. From being an independent daily newspaper, it went under the control of the socialists, then became the liberticidal drum of Slobodan Milošević. Despite this, between the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s, Serbia could be distinguished for having some of the first independent media. Daily papers, weeklies, radio and TV produced quality information during the war and continue to do so today. The Serbian hopes for a real change in the political and social situation, starting with Milošević's exit in October 2000, were shattered with the killing of Prime Minister Zoran Ðinđić on March 12th 2003. The state of emergency, proclaimed in order to deal with this assassination - which shook an already socially fragile country - had serious repercussions on the work of the Serbian media. The temporary change of power after the death of Ðinđić, and the elections which handed over the government to Vojislav Koštunica have not yet allowed the media a change of outlook. Political control remains constant, as does the absence of suitable legislation to regulate the behaviour of the country's media, penalising the professionalism of media outlets, at times determining whether they survive.

 

Author: Luka Zanoni

Language: Italian